The women' suffrage movement developed to the battle for the privilege of ladies to vote and keep them running for office and was also intended to fight for their overall rights in their activities. In the mid-nineteenth century, women in a few nations were very outstanding, for instance, the U.S. and the Britain states formed the associations to battle for the suffrage. In 1888, the first worldwide ladies' rights movement was established, and it was named as the International Council of Women. The initiations of the American women' suffrage development came from the public who protested in the meeting held in Seneca Falls in New York in July 1848. At that remarkable gathering, the women’s main objective was to acquire rights to join men in the benefits and commitments, and they also demanded to be allowed to vote. The latter request surprised hundreds of women and men who attended the meeting . As Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the meeting's  coordinator, recalled that a recognized radical Lucretia Mott attended the meeting and stressed that the interest of political uniformity was either excessively propelled or too ethically omitted, making it impossible discuss what was affecting women at the starting stage of the new development. This essay will intensively focus on the comparisons mainly similarities and differences of women suffrage in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the reasons for this. 


There are numerous shared similarities and connections between the twentieth and nineteenth-century histories of women activism during the suffrage movement. There were a lot of hierarchical associations among the suffragists and a long history of their relations. The dynamic of the mutual development concerns some fundamental attributes.  The progressives implemented three particular collections of thoughts. One was the profound doubt of the development of the corporate restraining infrastructure; the second included the expanding conviction that so as to advance as a general public. Moreover, the dedication to independence was tempered with a valuation of their social securities. The movements believed that advanced systems of social arrangement and proficiency would offer answers for the available social issues. Their thoughts did not mean a sound philosophy, but rather they tended to center discontent on unregulated personal power. As the nineteenth-century movement ended, intermittent financial downturns served as wake-up calls to the risks of the excessive dependence on the workings of the free market to guarantee the global success.  

Initially, the idea regarding the rights of women belonged to Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton; they expressed it clearly in 1840 at the World Anti-Slavery Conference held in London. There was a network of relations established between the reformers of human rights of women in the US, in particular Cady Stanton, and the British likeminded women. Those relations were still strong in the 20th century. The suffrage development in England had its activists: Christabel, Emmeline, and Sylvia Pankhurst, who visited the USA numerous times. Lucy Burns, Alice Paul, Harriot Stanton Blatch and other American likeminded ladies cooperated with the Women's Social and the Political Union as well as Christabel, Emmeline, and Sylvia Pankhurst to express the views on militancy and contribute to the development of women’s suffrage in the USA. 


One of the similar features among the mentioned movements in suffrage was the social and political connection; however, there were a few others that included the similarities in methodology, style and circumstances of the suffrage development. One similarity was that both movement suffrages depended on sexual orientation. Ladies needed to handle long-held convictions about strong roles and the responsibility for their femininity. In general, men and women were seen to have separate effective reaches. Men's parts predominated as they were the leaders of the family unit and outside the home. White-collar class women were to remain only at home and concentrate on their families. Ladies who worked outside of the house were commonly the youth, unmarried and were utilized as household help or assembly line laborers. Some intelligent women worked as educators, medical caretakers and custodians. Amid the centuries, ladies' clubs extended white-collar class women' role to be utilized outside their homes. At first focused on instruction and education, women started attempting to ease social issues. Ladies were key players in the push for preclusion which meant banning the deal and utilization of liquor, enhanced lodging guidelines, regulations of the sustenance and medication industry, and government examinations of industrial facilities. The settlement house development gave help to migrant groups and prompted the ascent of social work.   

 Throughout the following few years, both the American and the National Woman Suffrage Associations spread their impact to the Midwest and the Pacific Coast. The National Woman Suffrage Association connected political rights to different reasons, including inflammatory ones like free love, while the American Woman Suffrage Association kept the issue clear of side aspects. During several years, the two associations sought diverse procedures to secure the right to vote for ladies. Beginning with the battle of 1874 in Michigan, the American Woman Suffrage Association insisted on changes in the state constitutions. Since these battles included winning over a larger part of male voters, women were greatly hard to complete, and it was not until 1893 that Colorado became the first state to liberate women. 

In both centuries, no doubt, suffrage depended on class, race, country, religion, and sexual orientation. One more similar feature was that suffragists did not belong to any political foundation in any of the nations. They both had to fight by themselves without any support from any important political gatherings, executives or national presidents, in particular the Labor, Conservative and Liberal parties in Great Britain or the Republicans and Democrats in the United States. Both in the US and Britain, suffragists worked for their own class and were white. The contention of suffragists for women’s rights revealed their belonging to a certain class. The main focus of suffrage debate in the first period of both crusades was on balance; at the turn of the 20th century, women longed for realm and country building and that tendency developed into the suffrage contention.  Both the American and English suffrage movement aimed at getting the suffrage right for the ladies of special standing with no reference to the female average workers or the US colonized women, for instance the women of African American background. In the framework of the revolutionary period, the voting right was provided only to the ladies with property in several provinces. However, after the approval of the Constitution of the USA, voting was allowed only for men in all states. 

Women’s activism amid the centuries paved a way for many women to start to enter public life. The thought of several circles for men and females was tested as ladies turned out to be more included in civil matters. As they tended to participate in social issues, it appeared to be common to numerous ladies that they ought to have the right to vote. A few female suffrage supporters focused on that if women were granted the privilege to vote, they would considerably elevate the nation. For instance, they contended that women would likely vote for preclusion or laws that could help end prostitution.  

 In both centuries, the movements experienced unpleasant treatment of numerous suffragettes captured and imprisoned due to the span of their convictions. Additionally, this gave the suffrage advantages as it expanded sympathy and sensitivity and, as a result, they received the support from people in general. The excellent conduct of the suffrage development amid the war, suspending their challenges for the purpose of national solidarity, additionally demonstrated that the women were very reasonable and outrageous. This ladies' work persuaded many men, who were voters for women's active cooperation in the war. Thus, this exertion earned them the privilege to vote.

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Though the movement in both centuries shared numerous elements, there are also few compelling differences between the suffrages. To start with, in the twentieth century, unlike the nineteenth century, suffrage was taking into account property and gender considerations. There was no intrigue for either Conservative or Liberal party in the suffrage expansion. Ladies were disregarded by the work and radical development that was in favor of suffrage for adult. The adult suffrage was mostly interpreted as male suffrage only to those gatherings. However, Votes for Women as a female suffrage political contention was in favor of equal suffrage for men and women. Therefore, in the 20th century, Voted for Women were prohibited by the of non-propertied electorate common laborers men but they longed for voting for women with property.   

Nineteenth-century women's activists discussed the cause, which largely portrayed the development for ladies' rights. It had no specific political core interest. However, by the twentieth century the issue of the vote turned into the center of women's battle for equity. The development of advocacy of the vote rights for ladies had two wings: the suffragists and the suffragettes. The suffragists were active in the mid-nineteenth century, while the suffragettes appeared in 1903. 

One more different feature was a parliamentary government in the 20th century; therefore, the suffragists’ strategies and techniques relied on the persuasion ensured at gatherings and aimed at passing the enactments.  WSPU drove one of the suffrage development wings with aggressive attitude promising a fight against all the parliamentarians to support the non-sanctioned enactment of women’s suffrage by the political party in favor of that idea. There was not any national decision in the delegate republic of the 19th century that implied certain regulations regarding the governing and official bodies. Therefore, there was no identical base of concentrated force for the suffragists that they could advance to.  Furthermore, every state was in charge of determining its own particular suffrage status. Therefore, suffragists needed to receive two techniques. One was to disregard the central government and battle on a state-by-state premise. The southern women and traditionalists obtained that opportunity to ensure the promotion of suffrage laws in certain states that implied exclusion on racial basis. The other methodology was to battle for a revision of the Constitution, which was a government approach. This involved persuading Congress and crusading on a state-by-state principle. At last, a government correction authorized ladies' suffrage in the nineteenth century. 

One more difference between the movements was the militancy level. The WSPU activist administration ruled the historical context of the suffrage development in the 20th century.  A huge number of ladies took to the roads, illustrated, pestered government officials, anchored them to Parliament, exploded structures, crushed windows, went to imprison, and persevered through the torment of constrained bolstering. In brief, England of the Edwardian type experienced the changes and disturbances not seen since the era of Chartists and their movements. The Liberal government was not eager to give permission to the women’s suffrage mostly because of the ladies’ mass militancy in 1918. The nineteenth century did not witness such a high level of militancy in the society. Surprisingly, there was neither picketing nor mass exhibit. The right for suffrage was fought for by the Congressional Union of Alice Paul during the years of World War I. The people bounded themselves to the White House; they were captured, imprisoned, and experienced constrained feeding. However, the level of disturbances and militancy was not comparable to that of the movement in the 19th century. 


In spite of the fact that these different Reconstruction-time efforts neglected to emancipate ladies, they did leave different imprints on the proceedings of the battle for ladies' suffrage. A moving spotlight on the state and sacred government activity, a legacy of direct women's suffrage development that was separated from the efforts of African Americans for their rights. Maybe most of these on a very basic level and sovereign development of ladies for ladies, which transformed the movement for suffrage into a proceeding with the wellspring of activism and political refinement for the coming eras of open-minded women. For every one of the shared characteristics and contrasts, in both centuries, the desire for social peace was a dominant variable in winning ladies' suffrage. Prior the World War I, there was strong social agitation that was growing; there was a common belief that if women were liberated, the state would benefit greatly and the populace would be conciliated. Finally, in both centuries the battles for ladies’ suffrage was, in the expressions of driving firm suffrage change and create an image of ladies' opportunity, broadly refreshing all things considered by their supporters and all their opponents.


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